Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the biography published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family. His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate. Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated.
According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the ANC, which he did in 1943. According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky. He completed his BA degree at Unisa in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.
In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the apartheid policy to civil disobedience. These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at Sharpeville on 21 March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground. Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence option to overthrow the SA government. The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in SA. In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his bookSouth Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.
Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born. From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.
Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle
Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects. It would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu), “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and ”The Madonna of the Left” the local and international media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.
It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for South African terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a national revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.
Ironically it was the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa – the black Messiah to come. This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London.
Ever wonder why Britain has spent so much money on the Mandela myth? It is Boer Gold and Diamonds that helped create the British superpower. Only a year or two after the Boer war, Britain was able to setup the Welfare State in Britain giving free houses and benefits to citizens of a country that has no mineral wealth or resources… Why are they so quick to vilify and accuse Boers of “White Supremacy” when in fact Boers only ever wanted to rule themselves in their own country…
Even before the advent of the Republic the enemies of the Whites in South Africa were intensively busy with undermining activities. In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it became known that South Africa would become a republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a national convention, representative of all South Africans, before it became a reality. Should it be denied, a countrywide strike would be staged. This did take place in May 1961 but was effectively squashed by the government. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation) was established. On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day the country was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.
Initially the South African Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied theJohannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On 11 July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip the country. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.
Thanks to more information gained the police were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.
These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South African government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against White rule in South Africa. In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.
The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats. Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled the country before they could be accused.
The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and large quantities of hand grenades, pipe, petrol and bottle bombs. These were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.
Dr Percy Yutar appeared for the state, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe was the counselling attorney. Although the state identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.
An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.
In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks would take place mainly in the platteland and to this end the country was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey.
While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the country. An interim government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye(Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim.
Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions, the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.
Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through leftist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.
During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.
On 4 March 1964 the state closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.
This did not conclude the police investigation. Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them Whites.
Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. To this day it is not known why – no one has ever offered an explanation for this decision. Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.
The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader in the future – then I say: God forbid.”
One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to socialism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution. He further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist.
However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.
Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.
Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”. Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island his preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after 10 May 1994. Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.
Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image. Apart from the communists and Afrikaner-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions, his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Farmer, Kill te Boer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the Afrikaner. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous government, reflects his attitude towards the Afrikaner people. No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the Afrikaner.
It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47. Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This statement about government action is also not true. Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with. Any other government would have done the same.
Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over South Africa, and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed. During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method. The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because the police are incompetent and themselves corrupt.
That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this country has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich.
After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!
The National Party (NP) and Mandela
On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in the country. Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima. Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy. Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the South African Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release. Mandela also refused that.
In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near the Paarl. Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.
PW Botha was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP.
Pik Botha and Winnie mandela
During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the CP of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa will get a communist government. It is unthinkable that the SA government did not take notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.
We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics. Not only has the country been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP. As Dr Verwoerd said: God forbid.
Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in The Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”. Under a socialist-communist regime Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How can such a terrorist be regarded as a hero?
Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many Afrikaners have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually. It is estimated that 10% of Afrikaners have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that. All the result of the De Klerk treason which put Mandela into power.
It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why God revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for the Christian, times in which men would rather “not endure sound doctrine; but after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears; and they shall turn away their ears from the truth, and shall be turned unto fable”, when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.
Interesting comment from a neutral website:
“So there we have it. Mandela. Blew up a few buildings, went to prison for years, came out and destroyed his country’s economy. Quite a record. Ironically, he was probably responsible for more deaths through his disastrous stewardship of the economy than Umkhonto we Sizwe ever managed to knock off during the armed struggle.”
Dr Pieter Möller (July 2009)
English translation by Hennie Kasselman