A Glimpse Into History – The Forgotten Boeremag Prisoners – A Gross Rape of Justice Gone Unchallenged

A Glimpse Into History – The Forgotten Boeremag Prisoners – A Gross Rape of Justice That Has Gone Unchallenged And A Very Deranged International Community That Refuses To Act…

On October 29 2013 a  liberal motivated high court judge, Eben Jordaan, said the members of the so-called “Boeremag ” aimed to” destroy democracy “ when it planted bombs, condemning six members of the white liberation movement  to effectively 25 years in prison in a staggering R35 million rand trial.


Boeremag leader Tom Vorster and five members of its bomb squad that allegedly blew up numerous targets in 2002 were sentenced to in effect 25 years’ imprisonment by the South African high court in Pretoria that Tuesday. Vorster then  shrugged and told reporters he did not expect such a severe sentence, as he was already in prison for over a decade since 2002. The members of the Boeremag was kept in prison awaiting trial for a record time of 11 years due to political meddling and communist interference.

Liberation activists  Herman van Rooyen, Johan and Wilhelm Pretorius, and Rudi Gouws received the same sentences as Vorster. The third Pretorius brother, – alleged master bomb maker Kobus Pretorius, was sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment, of which 10 years were suspended. This was because Pretorius had a change of heart during the trial and expressed remorse for what he did. The liberation members were sentenced to an additional 13 years imprisonment on charges of culpable homicide and conspiring to murder former president Nelson Mandela. A black female victim Claudia Mokone was accidentally killed when a piece of steel dislodged by a bomb the movement planted on a railway landed in her shack.

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Jordaan said Mandela would have been killed by a landmine planted by the movement  if he had not arrived by helicopter to open a school in Bolobedu, Limpopo. This would have caused chaos and bloodshed in the country- he said. He said the Boeremag’s aim had been to “destroy democracy in South Africa.” Boeremag leaders Mike du Toit, Dirk Hanekom and the Pretorius brothers’ father, Dr Lets Pretorius, were each sentenced to 30 years’ imprisonment, of which 10 years were conditionally suspended for five years. Mike du Toit’s fellow member, Andre du Toit, and Dion van den Heever were sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment of which 10 years were suspended. Rooikoos du Plessis and Jurie Vermeulen, who also played important roles in planning the alleged “coup”  got 15 years’ imprisonment, of which 10 were suspended. One of the Boere mag’s most active members and the Boeremag chaplain, 74-year-old Vis Visagie, was sentenced to five years of correctional supervision. Five of the Boeremag members who played a lesser role, including the youngest member Jacques Jordaan, walked out of the court free men after being given suspended sentences. They are Adriaan van Wyk and former defence force officers Giel Burger, Jacques Olivier, and Pieter van Deventer.  Dr Lets Pretorius’ wife Minnie cried inconsolably. Friends shielded her from the cameras. Van Wyk’s wife expressed relief that her husband would be coming home.

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Names and sentences for the 23 members the Boeremag that were  charged on a staged so-called “Treason” charge

1 Mike du Toit – 30 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

2 Andre du Toit – 20 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

3 Koos du Plessis – 15 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

4 Adriaan van Wyk – 10 years wholly suspended for five years

5 Died in custody

6 Deon van der Heever 20 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

7 Giel Burger – 10 years wholly suspended for five years

8 Jacques Olivier – 10 years wholly suspended for five years

9 Pieter van Deventer 10 years wholly suspended for five years

10 Fritz Naude  Sentence deferred .

11 Tom Vorster – 35 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

12 Dirk Hanekom – 30 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

13 Dr Lets Pretorius – 30 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

14 Dawie Oosthuizen – Already on parole . Pleaded guilty .

15 Died in custody

16 Jurie Vermeulen 15 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

17 Vis Visagie – 5 years changed to correctional supervision

18 Herman van Rooyen – 35 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

19 Johan Pretorius – 35 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

20 Kobus Pretorius 30 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

21 Wilhelm Pretorius – 35 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

22 Rudi Gouws – 35 years ; 10 years suspended for five years

23 Jacques Jordaan . – 10 years wholly suspended for five years

From the start of the trial the Liberation activists were treated by both the communist state and biased media as “terrorists” to their concocted “democracy.” Much political meddling from both the ANC regime and communists in Lethuli House ensured that these white liberation fighters were treated as vagrants. On many occasions gross human rights atrocities were imposed on these members- which the communist regime, the media, human rights organizations- and liberal fraternity kept under wraps. In  SA you can get parole after one third of your sentence. One third of 35 years is 11 years and 8 months. These liberation members already have served 11 years awaiting trial- yet time and again their parole was refused. As can be seen- These sentences were very harsh- but DELIBERATELY handed down due to political pressure from the communist “controllers.”


“My name is Wilhem Pretorius. I am 35 years old and have been married since 2000. I am part of a group of 24 men in South Africa who were accused in the Boeremag Trial in 2002 of treason.

That barbarian methods of torturing are used by police [imperial police] is one hundred percent correct. I can personally testify to this.

On 10 December 2002, I, Wilhelm Pretorius, a 25 year old student, was arrested on political and especially weapons-related charges, including high treason and conspiracy to a coup d’état. The charges were essentially similar to those for which a group of ANC-members [African National Congress] consisting of most current South African Members of Parliament [of the “new” Republic of South Africa (RSA) Empire] were charged during the apartheid years.

I was arrested at 20h00 (8:00 pm) in a park in Pretoria while it was drizzling. My hands were tied behind my back with thick, strong plastic cables, in such a way that the blood supply to my hands was denied. For approximately two hours I lay on the ground on my stomach. During this time, one of the policemen came and stood on my neck.

After approximately two hours, Captain Johan Vice (Johannes Cornelius Vice) – an Afrikaans-speaking white at the service of the imperial police) took me to a Venture vehicle belonging to the police that had dark-tinted windows. When I got into the vehicle, which was driven by a white woman, Capt Vice was seated directly behind me, and one Lotter, another policeman, on the right-hand side of the seat behind mine. My hands were still tightly bound, so that my hands were already feeling numb. The next thing I knew was Capt Vice throwing his shirt over my head and pulling it back sharply, with the obvious intention of strangling me. I struggled violently and managed to free my head from the shirt, totally dazed by what had just happened. I still was not prepared for the barbarism that would follow. He pulled the shirt over my eyes to blind me. Capt Vice is approximately 2 m (6’6”) tall. He is a large man with massive hands. With his gigantic hands, he grabbed me around my throat, pushing in my Adam’s apple to shut off my windpipe so that I simply could not breathe. I squirmed and struggled, but his hands were firmly anchored around my throat, like the paws of a lion around the throat of an impala. I struggled for breath so vehemently that I eventually landed on the middle seat of the Venture.

I was now virtually lying on his lap, with my hands still bound behind my back. Using his fist, he repeatedly hit me on the side of my face asking where my brothers were. At that stage, they were still wanted by the police for the same case. This process continued for a long time. He also forcefully pushed his finger into my ear.

At one stage, we stopped next to the road Vice threatened that if I would try to remove the shirt from my eyes, he would kill me. He said to me that he had made special arrangements for a so called “Kaffir” (black man) to rape me. “They have been craving nice white flesh for quite some time now,” he sneered. Somebody with alcohol on his breath then bent over me, as I was lying on the middle seat of the Venture, while the door was open. This person spoke in isiZulu and repeatedly tampered with my trousers and my belt. He also repeatedly slapped me in the face. I did not understand what he was saying. Sometimes he spoke near to me so that I could smell the odour of alcohol on his stinking breath. I later recognized the person from his voice as one of the policemen who much later interrogated me again. Again I was hit on the side of my face by Capt Vice, again and again. I was also repeatedly asked if I w ere a “virgin,” referring to the fact that I was going to be raped. This was continuously repeated to me.

They then took me out of the car and made me lie on a plastic sheet next to the road. It sounded to me as if it were a deserted place. I was still blindfolded and could not see where I was. The plastic cables started cutting into the flesh of my arms and my hands were totally numb, Capt Vice came and sat on me and forced a rubbery piece of material over my mouth and nose. I could get no breath. I initially kicked and struggled, but quickly realized that it only caused me to waste more breath. This process continued while they shouted and swore at me. I lay on my numb hands and gasped for breath. Sometimes I just gave up and let go so that I could die, at other times I just saw stars before my eyes. My lungs felt as if they would burst, while my whole body was exhausted from being deprived of oxygen. They continued cursing me and threatening to kill me. “Didn’t you sh** in your pants yet?” and other similar remarks were shouted at me.

During the struggle I landed on my stomach after having rid myself of the blindfold. I could then see who the savage was who had carried out his barbarian acts on me. The same man came and sat on me. He put the inner tube over my mouth and nose, and pulled my neck backwards, using brute force. Every second it felt as if my neck would break. I was helpless and could not do anything except endure it. I got no breath, my whole back and neck felt as if they would break at any moment. There were times when I just gave up and thought to myself that if my neck had to be broken, then let it be. Initially I struggled against this murderer with all my power, but later I just gave up and let go. “If my neck breaks now, it would at least be the end of this hell,” I found myself thinking. I then relaxed my whole body so that my neck could break. I was to find out afterwards that one of the AWB men, Phil Kloppers, who is still in jail today in a wheelchair, had been paralyzed by similar police torture.

After this session, the person stood on my lower back while he violently forced my hands upwards. It felt as if my arms were being torn out of their sockets. My head was against the ground, and my neck was stretched in such a way that once again I could not breathe. This continued the whole time while they yelled questions at me about where my brothers were, how we communicated, and when I was supposed to see them again. I did not know where they were and had to think up a story of how we communicated and where they were, in order to get them to allow me some rest. They did not allow me any rest, however. After this torture session, my shoulders hurt so much that I could not lift them. For two weeks afterwards, I was unable to lift my arms above my shoulders, and two years afterwards, my shoulder still gave me problems during exercises. My torturer had completely strained my shoulder ligaments.

I again landed on my back and was again suffocated with the rubber inner tube. At one stage, this was replaced by a plastic sheet. He then also repeatedly rubbed his knuckles violently on my breastbone. After I breathed for a moment, he would pick me up and put me on my feet. Approximately 8-10 times he hit me in the stomach with full force, so that I fell to the ground. There was an unknown grey-haired policeman whom I will be able to recognize, who held me while the other one beat me up. I was picked up and hit in the stomach again and again.

After this session had finished, I was again blindfolded, this time with striped police barrier tape, the kind they use for roping off crime areas. This tape was wound tightly around my face. I can remember Vice and Lotter, and saw that there were two bakkies (light trucks) While this episode lasted, I heard them opening beer cans. In the bakkie there were a lot of empty beer cans.

They put me in the car again, finally believing that I would meet my brothers that night and that they would hide a message for me or I would hide one for them under a stone at an old fort which I knew well. We then drove to the fort, but they did not stop torturing me. On the way there, Capt Vice hit me on the elbow with the butt of his pistol and again hit me on the side of my face and pushed his finger into my ear. He also started hitting me on my thigh repeatedly. At that time, I had no feeling left in my hands. Even the blows to my head only made me see stars, but I actually did not feel the blows any more. The fact that I could breathe again was valuable to me.

I was lying on the middle seat of the bakkie. I heard them cocking their 9 mm pistols and running towards the fort. They shouted that they had seen tracks there and that my brothers probably were there. This was not so however, as people regularly visit that fort, and my brothers would never meet me there. We had not arranged to meet, and I did not know where they were.

We drove off again. I now promised that I would cooperate, in order to get a break to rest a little. My mind was tired, my throat bone dry, my hands were numb, and my whole being was blunted. Vice now cut off the plastic cords, using his pocket knife, and in the process, he also caused a cut in my left wrist. In spite of the fact that the cables had been removed, I still had no feeling. They bought me a Coke. My throat was so dry that the gas stuck to my throat. We drove to their offices in the Piet Joubert building in Visagie Street. Here I was ordered to wash my face. I was startled to see my face in the mirror. My nose was covered with blood, and my face was so swollen that it looked like a pumpkin.

We walked upstairs to an office. Here, they peppered me with questions. Every time I gave an answer they did not like, they repeatedly slapped my head. Again, it was Capt Vice, Lotter, and the grey-haired policeman whose voice I recognized as the one who had pretended to be the black man who would rape me. There was a Zulu present as well. At one stage, when they started screaming at me again, they said that I had to go with the Zulu, because they knew how to make people talk. One Colonel Van Rooyen[another Afrikaans-speaking white at the service of the imperial police] then entered and took me aside. He had come to tell me that his father shares my views on politics. I had to cooperate with these people, though. He tried to convince me. When I asked him whether I did not have a right to remain silent, he became more aggressive and said that a criminal does not have the right to remain silent. Once a person has committed a crime, he no longer has a right to remain silent. He took me back to the others. Again they slapped me several times if they were not satisfied with the answers I provided. One Commissioner Pruis and another commissioner then arrived. Also they peppered me with questions. We left the offices at approximately 10:00 (am). The policemen were in a jovial mood. I was not handcuffed. We got into the bakkie (Pick up) . It was the same bakkie in which we had driven there, and I also saw the pieces of barrier tape which they had used to blindfold me.

We then drove to Hartebeesfontein police station, approximately 300 km (200 miles) west van Pretoria. On the way there, we stopped at a liquor store in a town. The same three policemen asked me if I would go and buy liquor for them. I realized that if I did this, they could allege that I was trying to escape, and would able to shoot me dead. I refused, but tried to seem amicable. Lotter, who sat next to me in the back, then went to buy the beer. They also gave me some beer, while they opened one beer after another. On the way to Potchefstroom, we passed through a roadblock, which made them very nervous, as they had drunk quite a lot. My legal representative, Jaco van der Waterenin the meantime had traced me to Vice’s cell phone and I at last had an opportunity to talk to him. I also later phoned him from the police station. Vice told me that, if I cooperated nicely, they would look after me, otherwise they would “put me in with some Kaffirs.” “The Kaffirs are going to f**k you. Are you still a virgin, Willempie?” he sneeringly mocked me. When we arrived at the police station, I immediately phoned my attorney, who recommended that I file charges right away. I then made a statement without delay.

That night, I was locked up alone in an ice cold cell without being provided with any warm garments. My whole body was in a state of shock. The hairy, dirty blanket was insufficient. My neck was completely limp, and I to keep my head up was difficult. I carried my arms in front of me in a folded position, because I was unable to lift them. I started to experience a pins-and-needles feeling in my hands. I had pain-reliever tablets. My throat was so swollen from the strangulation that I could not eat anything. I could swallow with great difficulty only. I was locked up in the cell without water. I could not reach my wife on the telephone and was to learn afterwards that she had also been arrested, and one of my friends as well. I spent the night without painkillers or any other medication. Only the next morning did a policeman from Hartebeesfontein take me to a district surgeon. The DS examined me in the presence of the policeman, and I made sure that he made proper notes of all my injuries.

I was later informed that my wife’s door was kicked off while she was standing within sight of the police, phoning her attorney. They assaulted her and plucked the phone from her hand. A friend of mine who arrived on the scene was manhandled, and when he arrived at his car, he found that rivets had been shot into his tyres in order to prevent him from following them to see where they were taking my wife.

Capt Vice and Lotter still form part of the investigation team of the criminal case brought against me and others, which has been serving before a court of law for almost three years now. To date, nothing has come of the complaint filed by me. I have never yet met the investigating officer. In fact, no investigation has yet been done at all. Au contraire, Capt Vice sits in court daily. He handles all written evidence of the accused, handles our security in jail, and is in charge of visits by our families. He sits in court daily and leers at us. Is this not a highly irregular arrangement under any legal system?

The ANC regularly complains that its members had been tortured by these monsters, yet the ANC has knowingly turned the self-same “policemen” [including a good number of Afrikaans-speaking whites] loose upon its political opponents. Their members just turn their heads away while similar and worse violations are perpetrated against us [the Boers]. This report mentions only the torture perpetrated against me personally. This does not even touch upon the refined psychic torture to which we are subjected day and night in jail. Justice and righteousness cannot be relied upon in this country [Empire] any longer. The monster of police brutality is a reality which is perpetuated by politically motivated silence.”

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“We now were improsined in 2002 as awaiting trial detainees and our trial commenced in May 2003. Its 10 years later and we are still awaiting trial. We have been repeatedly refused bail without good cause. This will be our 11th year being held in prison waiting for something. Is this not an infringment of human rights?

Furthermore, we forwarded a motion to be treated as prisoners of war while we were being accused of waging a war of independence for the Boer people against South Africa. The motion was denied with many claims of errors being made by the judge as well as the South African Prosecuting Authority. The High Court Judge was not even aware of the international law (before the motion and we had to supply him with the said international laws.

Through various testimonies it has come to light that we have been set up by the very same people of the South African Police services that are handling the investigation. The whole case has been orchestrated by agents of Criminal Intelligence. They not only planned it, but also through agents, provoked the people to take part in illegal actions and just stood watching for months, with full access to all the pertinent details, watching idly while more innocent people were becoming part of the “Boeremag” while receiving money from the secret fund. During the trial, they were listening in on privilege and confidential Client/Attorney conversations and even bugged our cells and consultation facilities.

I have been tortured continually and during arrest for about 10 hours without any investigation into the torture. The high ranking Police officials which tortured me are still in the Police service and were even part of the investigating team. For the past 10 years we have been treated like animal in inhumane conditions. We have not been allowed any contact visits from our family and friends.

We are asking for your help to bring these continual human right violations to the attention of the international community and bring a stop to it. The second thing that I want to bring under your attention is the parole of the other Boer people that are being held in prison. Some of them have been here prior to 1994. Their parole applications have and still are being refused solely on political grounds and they are long past the date of their initial prison term or parole.”

PRETORIA, SOUTH AFRICA - OCTOBER 28: Koos du Plessis at the Pretoria High Court on October 28, 2013, in Pretoria, South Africa. Of the original 23 Boeremag members arrested, two have passed away and one has been released on parole. The remaining stand accused of murder, attempted murder, terrorism, high treason, and the illegal ownership of weapons and ammunition. The Boeremag conspired to overthrow the South African government by means of violence. (Photo by Gallo Images / Foto24 / Theana Breugem)

PRETORIA, SOUTH AFRICA – OCTOBER 28: Koos du Plessis at the Pretoria High Court on October 28, 2013, in Pretoria, South Africa. Of the original 23 Boeremag members arrested, two have passed away and one has been released on parole. The remaining stand accused of murder, attempted murder, terrorism, high treason, and the illegal ownership of weapons and ammunition. The Boeremag conspired to overthrow the South African government by means of violence. (Photo by Gallo Images / Foto24 / Theana Breugem)



Capt Deon Loots writes that in 1994 he was appointed to the ‘Rightwing-reactionary desk’ of the SAPS crime-intelligence service agent-provocateur Johan C Smit – the main witness for the State in the Boeremag case.  In this statement below – submitted to the Pretoria High Court on Feb 7 2013 in defense of the convicted Boeremag Treason Trialists’ sentencing, Captain (ret) Deon Loots described the ‘agent-provocateur’activities of the SAPS’ main witness against the Boeremag, J.C. Smith and other leading crime-intelligence officers’ activities. He also writes(from Item 115 onwards that the illegal tapping of telephone conversations of the Boeremag-members and their families and attorneys still occurs and that everything they do and say in their cells, is in fact monitored live with sophisticated equipment.)

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“I, the undersigned DEON LOOTS hereby declare under oath, as follows:

1. I am a mature male (Identity number: 611220 5009 084) and a former member of the South African Police Service (SAPS), currently residing in Pretoria. The contents of this Affidavit are within the sphere of my personal knowledge, regarding all the events mentioned (except where I have expressly stated otherwise and or where the context by implication,indicates the contrary) and all the facts stated herein, are true and correct.

My involvement with the Police:

2.  I am part of a family, who have strong ties with the SA Police.

3.  My father, John Wahl Loots, was a Policeman for his entire career, having attained the rank of a full Colonel, until he passed away in 1987.

4.  My elder Sister, Esmeralda, also joined the ranks of the Police, after having completed her school career and remained there, until she retired on Medical grounds in the year 2000, after also having attained the rank of a full Colonel. She is married to a Policeman, who had also attained the rank of a full Colonel, when he retired on pension in the Nineties (1990’s).

5. My younger Sister currently holds the rank of Luitenant-Colonel in the SA Police Service and is attached to the Crime Intelligence Division, while her ex-husband is also a (Commisioned) Officer within the selfsame Unit. They were divorced in November, 2011.

6.  My younger Brother holds the rank of Captain, in the Correctional Services Department in Pretoria. His wife holds the rank of Major, within the South African Air Force.

7.  I married my wife (also a Police Officer) on the 11th December, 1993. In 1996, she was transferred to the Head-Office of the SA Police Services (Wachthuis, Pretorius Street, Pretoria). She was then again transferred to the Crime Intelligence Division of the SA Police Services and who currently holds the rank of a full Colonel.

8.  Both my parents inculcated me with a strong sense of fairness, discipline and civilised norms. I was taught, that if people don’t exhibit respect for such norms and values, that they then are tyrants, whose sole purpose is, to sow chaos and anarchy within their communities.

9.  I have been a member of the SA Police, since 1979, where I accordingly performed duties at, viz. SA Police Gezina (Pretoria); Radio-Control (Pretoria). Thereafter, I was transferred to the Riot Unit, where I remained until 1987, before I was once again transferred to the Kwa Ndebele Security (Police) Branch.

10.  Since 1990, I was attached to the Security Branch (Northern Transvaal, Pretoria), where I was primarily tasked with the monitoring of all actions and the activities in both the Mamelodi- and Kwa Ndebele areas, who operated on the so-called, ‘left-wing’ (political) terrain.

11.  In 1994, I was transferred to the ‘Right-wing-Reactionary Desk’, a part of the former Crime Intelligence Division, where I was tasked to focus on the monitoring and activities of individuals of the so-called, ‘Right-wing’ Reactionary groups and Movements. I specifically had to infiltrate and 
investigate these individuals and Organizations. At about the end of 1996, I was promoted to the rank of Captain.

12.  In 1996, I initially worked in the Overt-Unit of the SAPS, Crime Intelligence Division (herein later referred to as: ‘MDi’, the Afrikaans acronym for ‘Misdaad Intelligensie Eenheid’, which I will employ, instead of the English acronym, viz. ‘CI’ – Crime Intelligence). Thereafter in 1997, I was transferred to the Covert-Unit of ‘MDi’, where I remained, until my retirement on Medical grounds on the 15th October, 2001 from the SA Police Services.

My respective Commanders at the Overt-Unit of the MDi were initially, Brigadier Loots, then Colonel Roelf Venter and thereafter Colonel Manie van Staden. At the subsequent Covert-Unit, my Commander was Superintendent (Lieutenant-Colonel) Riaan van Schalkwyk.

I recruited informants, including mr J.C. Smit, who is now one of the (prime) State Witnesses in the ‘Boeremag Case’ (Afrikaans version: Boeremag Saak translated as Boer-Force).

13.  During the middle of 1994, I identified various possible, new Informants with the express purpose of recruiting them. I had no option, but to recruit new Informants because to my knowledge there were virtually no existing Informants, of which I was aware of. This was a totally new territory to me, but I once again purposed to make a success of my task, goal and function.

14.  Consequently, I targeted a person by the name of mr Johan Smit, alias JC Smit and eventually managed to recruit him, by pursuading him to act as an Informant. At that stage, he was still employed at ISCOR (acronym for: Iron and Steel Corporation) in Vanderbijlpark. If he, for example, was an Informant for Military Intelligence, I am still oblivious thereof, to this day.

15.  I was however, acutely aware of JC Smit’s alleged involvement with the AWB’s (the Afrikaans acronym for: Afrikaner Resistance Movement) ‘Ystergarde’ (‘Iron Fist’, the paramilitary-wing of the AWB), who had planted bombs in Johannesburg and Jan Smuts Airport during 1994 and therefore he became invaluable to recruit, as an Informant.

16.  The following facts are within my knowledge, including the background of JC Smit’s activities as an Informant and subsequently, as a agent-Provocateur (to serve as a conduit, in order to incite others, to commit illegal acts) of the SAPS, amongst both individuals and Groups connected to the ‘Right-wing’ while both I and my incumbent, acted as his Handler, viz. JC Smit’s operational functions and the start of the ‘Boeremag’ saga

17.  During 1996, JC Smit was actively involved with a certain, mr Kobus van Marle, who then resided in Doornpoort, Pretoria. Von Marle exposed and introduced JC Smit to various people, including an Informant mr Jannie Smuts of the East Rand (Johannesburg), who worked together with mr Johan Niemoller.

Regarding JC Smit, Jannie Smuts, Niemoller and mr Adriaan (called ‘At’) van Wyk, the following information:

(a) I was informed by colleagues in MDi, that for many years, Jannie Smuts collaborated with Niemoller (work-related), as well as both being involved in Cross-Border Trade (for example, in Angola), illegally trading in Medicine, Diamonds and Military hardware.

I was further informed, that Jannie Smuts was an Informant for MDi. Later, Director Roos informed me, that Niemoller clandestinely worked for Military Intelligence.

(b) In South Africa, especially at the beginning of the so-called, Boeremag investigation, Jannie Smuts, according to my information, was actively involved with mr Niemoller in scheduling Meetings, which included mr Jan Viljoen.

My information at that point in time was, that the call by some Right-Wing Activists to commit criminal acts – as will be referred to later – was already in an advanced stage and that Jannie Smuts and his Handler then concurred, that both he and Niemoller should forthwith be withdrawn from any active 
involvement in the Boeremag investigation.

(c) Once I had departed from the SAPS, JC Smit was transferred to a new Handler, Colonel Louis Pretorius. Pretorius had initially wanted to recruit mr At van Wyk – who later became an acussed in the Boeremag trial – but At van Wyk declined to be recruited as an Informant, according to what Pretorius personally informed me.

Pretorius then futher personally informed me, that he had forthwith instructed, that any evidence of former criminal activities or acts, that could possibly incriminate or embarrass, At van Wyk should be established or otherwise at the very least, that he should be incriminated and linked in one way or the other, to the Boeremag investigation. However nothing concrete could be found to incriminate mr van Wyk and then, according to what JC Smit later told me, Pretorius consequently fabricated At van Wyk’s involvement in the Boeremag Investigation in his Statement, with the express purpose of falsely incriminating (to ‘frame’) mr van Wyk because of the fact, that he refused to co-operate as an Informant for MDi.

18.  At the beginning of 1997, JC Smit informed me, that Von Marle had mentioned, that Johan Niemoller had held various Meetings, in order to discuss how to put in place, a self-defence plan (for Whites), in case matters turned out for the worse in South Africa. The plan was to employ the Commandos (rural military units affiliated to the South African National Defence Force) in case of anarchy (by the black population), but primarily to restore Law and Order (after anarchy created by the black population). JC 
Smit further informed me, that an ‘influential’ person, by name: ‘uncle’ Jan Viljoen was involved and supported Niemoller at these supra (mentioned) Meetings.

19.  In our planning, JC Smit was tasked by me to initiate contact with mr Jan Viljoen, which subsequently materialised. At this point in time, early 1997, I forwarded my first Reports on the Boeremag Meetings to Police Headquarters in Pretoria.

20.  This was the beginning of the ‘Boeremag’ saga of events and fully reflects, the direct involvement of the SAPS Crime Intelligence Division (MDi) and how they developed and then covertly ‘managed’ the Boeremag members, acting as Agent-provocateurs (these are people with a hidden agenda, who themselves do not become intricately involved in a matter, but use gullible members of the community to further their immoral agenda).

21.  As a direct consequence of these Reports (see para. 19) to Police Head Office, I was summonsed to Head Office to explain and elaborate to senior Police Officers – who were in charge of the Right-wing division at Crime Intelligence – where and how, I had managed procure the supra information; how reliable the information was and whether it could be verified at all.

22.  This meeting was consequently followed up by a number of workshops, where planning took place in order to establish, how we could employ existing Informants to infiltrate these new ‘Right-wing 

My information was subsequently verified, chiefly via Jannie Smuts’s Handler (Riaan van Schalkwyk) and another Policeman, who went by the nickname of ‘Strys’. Jannie Smuts during that period of time, all of a sudden seemed to be collaborating with Jan Viljoen in planning and arranging Meetings, which Niemoller then happened to address.

23.  At that point in time, Director Roos was given control and responsibility for the MDi Project (where Informants had to arrange and infiltrate Right-wing Meetings and to report their subsequent findings on persons attending these Meetings).

He wanted the origins (who the persons were, who had initiated these Meetings) of these Meetings to be established and exactly, what was discussed at these Meetings because according to him (MDi), Niemoller was not known to plan and hold Meetings and Roos further mentioned, that Niemoller had no history of political activism, although he was previously involved with Military Intelligence and was a trained, Special Forces soldier. He therefore suspected, that Niemoller was involved in planning subversion activities.

24.  It was during this period, that Director (now General) Mark Hankel started attending, these supra Project meetings.

25.  Superintendent Alfons Theron in conjunction with me, discovered after thorough investigation, that the activities of Niemoller and friends was being sublimely orchestrated by a Group, with the pseudonym:

Verligte Aksie Groep (acronym: ‘VAG’ and means: Enlightened Action Group)

26.  We established, that the VAG consisted of retired Army- and Police Generals, including certain former Cabinet Ministers (former Government members), who had conspired to develop a Contingency plan.

When I happened to mention these findings in my Report, Roos immediately summonsed me and duly instructed me to refrain from any further investigation into VAG. I was crudely informed, to focus on only on handling my Informant.

27.  From 1999, our information from the Informants suggested heightened activity amongst the Rightwing people, so much so, that Head Office (MDi) decided to arrange workshops, which involved different SAPS-members from all over the country, whose work primarily involved Right-wing activity, 
monitoring, in order to discuss Right-wing actions and plan how to manage and ‘steer’ these respective persons and their actions towards the goal set by the MDi.

I must however, mention the fact, that all Right-wing activities – immaterial of which of the following Agencies were involved, viz. the Security Police (SAPS); National Intelligence (NIA); Military Intelligence (MI) and currently also SA Secret Service are involved – have all managed to infiltrate and even covertly manage and in some instances, even functionally operate these Right-wing Organizations via their Informants.

28.  During 2000, a strategy evolved, whereby our planning had to include measures to control all Rightwing activities and to ensure, that MDi was in full control of Niemoller at any given moment.

All our Informants were specifically tasked to become intimately involved with specifically targeted persons and certain pre-arranged activities. They were to attend Meetings – of which some were organised or intiated by MDi – and pertinently discuss, the so-called: ‘DOCUMENT 12’ [to which, I will 
refer to later and if necessary adapt it, in order subjectively influence all Right-wing decisions taken in these Meetings and which would ultimately lead to MDi being in control.

They were to also create the necessary (Right-wing Culture) ambience, in order to attract other (politically) right-leaning persons to these Meetings. The raisson d’Etre (the motive or real reason) was to create scenarios, whereby it seemed, that these persons and Groups were fast becoming a national threat to security although in reality it was MDi, who had created these covert actions in order to accumulate these like-minded persons and manage them thereby.

In reality, these SAPS Handlers via their Informants, who had by now effectively become SAPS initiated Agent-Provocateurs (instead of mere Informants) controlled and even initiated Right-wing activities, without the person in the street (ordinary citizen) being unaware of what was taking place, while the Right-wing leaders were being led around by the nose. Those leaders, who refused to toe the line, were subtly subjugated to keep following these quasi-Right-wing Agent-provocateurs.

Consequently many Right-wing leaning persons abdicated their leadership roles, while ordinary members absconded. The agendas for these Meetings were planned to a ‘T’, in order to retain as many members and directly, albeit clandestinely, to keep ‘driving’ Mdi’s hidden agenda.

29.  These Meetings, as orchestrated by MDi, were to be held regularly, in order to continually keep influencing these Right-wing inclined persons. At this point, my conscience flatly refused to co-operate with my Mdi Commander’s, will-o-wisp wishes because I came to the realization, that, what we were busy with, was not only unfair and contra bonos mores (against good social morals), but highly illegal and amounted to the fact, that MDi had become the de facto (in actual fact) ‘drivers’ of an illegal venture.

30.  In my subsequent Reports, addressed to Head Office, I consistently drew their attention to the fact, that these Right-wing activities were not aimed at subversion or an worst, an attempted coup d’etat, but were merely concocted as a self-defence mechanism, in the event of unrest and anarchy, in South 
Africa, should matters take a turn for the worst.

I once again reminded the MDi Seniors that these actions emanated from plans initially drawn up by the VAG. However my pleas continued to fall on deaf ears and I slowly came to the realisation, that because of my averse views to their grandiose plans, I was becoming more and more isolated by my colleagues.

(The background to the anarchy, lies in the fact, that the black population creates anarchy, in much the same way as has happened in other African countries in the past, when the white population was massacred.)

31.  I was issued with a final warning from Director Roos, where he warned me, to not to become involved with any investigations, which were directed at the VAG and to focus solely on any instructions, that I might receive. Having to work under these conditions, led to me becoming stressed to the point of being close to a nervous breakdown because I could clearly see, where we were heading to, in our SAPS Mdi-initiated provocateurism activities. The SAPS role in directing and actually training Agent provocateurs deeply upset me because innocent people were being provoked and compromised to commit crimes against their will. Yet I had nobody to turn to in my desperation because the very SAPS-hierarchy were the de facto protagonists in fueling racial-hatred and were instrumental in the killing of an innocent person in cold blood, as will be seen later.

32.  I refused to bow to the rape of my conscience by men, whose only interest was self-directed, self enrichment at the terrible price of innocent families and their sons being imprisoned. My pleas for equity and justice in this matter, caused serious and prolonged enmity between myself and my Superiors and consequently, they decided to cancel my due promotion. This caused even further anxiety to such an extent, that I had no option, but to accept early retirement on Medical grounds.

33.  Although my last day at work was scheduled to be the 15th October, 2001, I still remained embroiled in MDi’s activities, due to unforeseen circumstances. Some of the circumstances were, inter alia:

? Familial ties and inter-personal communication (I was married to Col. Miranda Loots, who functioned as Genl. Hankel’s ‘right hand’)

? Certain practical actions and decisions taken on the part of both Col. Louis Pretorius and Genl. Hankel,

? Consequent to my relationship with both JC Smit (and his wife), I was regularly informed of what was happening and of the instructions received and consequently able to keep abreast with the most of Mdi’s precepts and activities, right through until 2010, regarding the progress of the Boeremag investigation and Court applications, as will be construed vide infra (see below).

34.  At the time of my retirement in 2001, Genl. Hankel (then still a Director in SAPS) had already become fully involved in the Boeremag investigation, which subsequent to my retirement, was codenamed:

Project Wacko by Hankel. Hy was intimately involved in the day-to-day execution of instructions to Informants, who by now had assumed active Agent-Provocateur’s roles. It was an open secret, that he was the ‘vector’ driving the Investigation on a daily basis and even went so far as to openly pronounce, that this Project would become his single ‘biggest baby’!

35.  The Commando-system was successfully dismantled because Hankel and his cronies managed to persuade the Politicians, that the Boeremag posed a national security threat because they could effectively employ the Commandos, their infra-structures and logistics for a possible coup d’tat (a
violent overthrow of the Government of the day) in the future. The Commandos infra-structure was used as a rendez vous (a meeting place) for these Right-wing party) Meetings. The Mdi could consequently hide their involvement in the dismantling of the Commando-system because it was 
viewed by the public as a Political decision. Consequently, an important crime prevention structure was effectively destroyed.

“Document 12”

(This document featured a great deal in the verdict of the men being found guilty.)

36.  In about 1998, a document originating from Mdi was circulated between me and certain of my colleagues, all of whom were involved in monitoring Right-wing activities, by Superintendent Riaan van Schalkwyk, then our Office manager (Intelligence, Gauteng Province). The entire contingent of staff were present, when the Document 12-strategy was presented to us in our Johannesburg office, moreover including, Alex Rakow (current Handler of Jannie Smuts), Raymond Hayes and a certain ‘Strys’. The compliment total consisted of approximately seven (7) members of the Police and a Typist.

37.  The document at that point in time consisted of only two (2) pages and the items were numbered.

Upon instruction from Van Schalkwyk, the Typist retyped the original document onto the office computer.

38.  I personally viewed the supra document and noticed, that it was exactly as was construed in para. 18.

Thereafter we discussed the document.

39.  This was the first time, that I actually got to personally view the Document.

40.  The supra document had no heading at all and as was mentioned consisted of only two (2) pages.

Previously, some of the Informants had made mention of a document, which Niemoller had discussed at Meetings. This very document (already mentioned in para. 36) was duped ‘Document 12’ by Van Schalkwyk.

Head Office determined, that we gather on a monthly basis in order to discuss all developments and happenings, with regard to Right-wing activity for further monitoring and follow-up. This meeting was termed an Information Meeting. We were to further determine, how well this Plan (Document 12) was propagated and known by the Right-wing activists.

41.  At our next meeting, in this regard, the MDi officials from the Western Cape- and Eastern Cape Provinces reported back, that there was no Right-wing activity in their respective Provinces, while the Transvaal, Free State and Natal officials reported, that there were in fact, meetings convened in their respective Provinces.

42.  At about the beginning of 1998, MDi convened a large Meeting at the Bloemhof Dam site. During the meeting, Director Roos, took a group of us aside, including me and instructed us to adapt Document 12, so that it would also have publicity value, so as to ensure the continued existence of MDi, while simultaneously promoting the activites of MDi by pertinently showcasing Document 12, as if it would be used as the framework for an attempted coup d’etat on the present-day Government.

43.  Messr’s Werner Smith, Riaan van Schalkwyk and I represented the Gauteng (Province) at the supra Meeting, where we decided, that each respective Handler should have a different Document 12, which to give to their respective Informants, so that they would not be caught out (should all the Informants having the exact same copy of Document 12). Each paragraph’s wording should therefore not follow exactly, yet the Document 12’s wording, should lead any person reading it, to conclude, that it would be used for the planning of a coup d’etat, by the Right-wing activists and as such, justified the actions to be taken by MDi, as if the Right-wing had created an impression of a casus belli (an act or circumstances provoking or justifying war).

44.  Consequently, I instructed my Informant JC Smit, that he was to gradually implement a more offensive wording in the Document during the Meetings, which he attended, so as to create the impression, that the Right-wing activists were effectively planning a coup de main [a sudden, vigorous (unexpected) attack].

45.  The MDi via their Informants, always initiated (pre-planned) these Meetings.

46.  At one of these supra Meetings in Kathu (a town in the Northern Cape province) SAPS Technical staff installed a modified cellular phone in the vehicle of JC Smit, so that the members of MDi could monitor their entire conversation throughout the journey. When he transported interested members to some of these Meetings, some of my colleagues, including Col. Louis Pretorius and myself could listen to their entire conversation, while they were enroute to the respective Meeting.

47.  We too, either waited until people – who attended these various Meetings – had departed from their homes or we enticed them away from their homes, in order to allow time for the SAPS Technical staff to install listening devices in different items of their furniture, with which we were able to monitor their

48.  As I have previously mentioned, both I and other members of MDi altered the original Document 12 from a defensive document to become an offensive document.

49.  I myself made various alterations to the particular Document 12, using the State-issued Laptop computer, which was in the Mdi-office. Thereafter I discussed the altered Document 12 with members of the Police, viz. Captain ‘kuifie’ Fouche, Superintendent Jan Meyer, Director Roos and Superintendent
Alfonso Theron, who also brought along their versions of Document 12 to the Meeting.

50.  The altered text was subsequently passed on to Informants, such as Jannie Smuts, who in turn passed it on to Niemoller and Jan Viljoen. In a similar fashion, it was given to mr Mike du Toit (who at a later stage, also became an accussed in the Boeremag Trial).

Quite a few MDi-members, worked and continually altered the Document and therefore no one single member, could be labelled the author.

51.  Suffice to say, a lot of information could then in this manner, be manipulated and successfully fabricated, to magnify the growing threat of a credible coup d’etat by the Right-wing Activists.

Mr Tollie Vreugdenburg was eventually appointed as the Chief Investigator in the Boeremag investigation, under the direct authority of Col. Louis Bester, but (according to my Spouse) they were not fully briefed on where and from whom, the actual orchestration emanated. I am not at liberty to 
say exactly how much, they knew or about how much information, they were ignorant about.

52. General Mark Hankel regularly boasted toward me, that he was able to (of his own ability) outwit the other State Intelligence Agencies involved because of the fact, that he was the actual ‘brain’ behind Mdi’s Project Wacko.

53.  I conveyed the news of my retirement to JC Smit. At that stage, under orders from Mdi, I had already deeply involved JC Smit in the mentioned orchestrated Right-wing activities, with the express purpose of implementing the staging of Mdi’s (hidden) Agenda by influencing people to become involved in these actions or compromising their activities.

54.  Handler’s of Informants are trained how to manipulate their Informants to toe the line and to follow instructions carefully, mainly to collate information, but because of their vulnerability, the Informants can be relatively easily misused for any other purpose, including provocation techniques, as happened in Project Wacko.

55.  Handlers are also trained in the art of how to employ an Informant to execute instructions, which they should in fact execute themselves. Informants are not always consciously aware, of what they exactly are executing or what the final goal thereof is.

56.  Both Hankel and Roos refused to allow JC Smit to cop out as an Informant, when I went on retirement.

Instead they instructed me, to transfer him to a Handler in Gauteng (Province but I could not find anyone suitable, to take over from me and informed the duo accordingly.

57.  They then instructed me to place him under the care of Col. Louis Pretorius of Klersdorp (a town in the North-West Province) because of the fact, that he was already functional in monitoring the activities of Right-wing Activists. JC Smit flatly refused to be handled by Col. Pretorius and suggested, that he would be willing to co-operate, if I continued to handle him, while I functioned under the control of Col. Pretorius. I concurred with this arrangement, subject to being phased out as soon as practically possible. My motivation to be phased out as soon as possible, was due to the fact, that I wanted to have nothing more to do with this farce, prevarication and self-enrichment ideas of Mdi’s, warped orchestration ideology.

58.  The prevailing culture within MDi was, that all Mdi-members would at one stage or another compromise themselves, in their line of duty and as such leave themselves vulnerable and exposed to the vagaries of extortion by Senior Officers within their respective departments. The consequences of these undistinguished feats would lead to them being forced to commit criminal acts or to perform duties – legal or illegal – as a ‘service’, in order not to be exposed, sometimes even after they had resigned from the SAPS.

I treaded lightly in this regard, so as not to caught off-guard by these recalcitrant Officers, although there were times when I had to become involved in unpleasantries in order to fulfil my functions. I fully realised, that I was vulnerable, but not to the extent of self-destruction.

A (common) practice within the MDi department was to ‘frame’ (falsely incriminate) colleagues and even ex-colleagues, with all the ramifications thereof. Consequently, this became my greatest fear because I was at loggerheads with my Superiors and even some colleagues due to my averse views, concerning the orchestration of innocent members of the public to commit crimes.

I could therefore not totally ignore or refuse instructions and even after my retirement (in 2001), complied as far as was possible, until I was eventually phased out.

59.  All, who worked at Mdi (SAPS), believed with an astute certainty, that they would receive promotions because the ANC Government would then be coerced into thinking, that the MDi Branch of SAPS were faithful handmaidens. There was talk of the possibility of big financial privileges forth flowing to MDi members which would include, inter alia: new vehicles technical gadgetry all of which would be sourced from the SAPS Secret Fund.

60.  Virtually any search of the Vehicle Registers at a Licencing Authority would reflect how many vehicles are registered in the private names of SAPS MDi-members although these vehicles strictly belong to the State.

I personally know of a motor vehicle, a mini-bus, trailer – all belonging to the State, which are registered on MDi-individuals names. I understand that these are difficult to actively monitor and trace because of the fact, that we function covertly and clandestinely. However an audit on the SAPS MDi members names against the Vehicle Registration Authority’s register going back a few years, should  reveal what the status quo in this regard is and if those vehicles have been accounted for and handed back to the State, once their purpose was served. I personally know, that this was definitely not the case.

61.  When the two fugitives, who had escaped from custody, namely: Jan Rudolf (affectionately known as:  Rudi) Gouws and Herman van Rooyen were hiding out at Nylstroom (a Town in the Northern Province), they were discovered by Shepherds, who reported their presence to SAPS. Although MDi was acutely aware of their presence there, they did not immediately arrest them, but instead employed the SAPS Task Force, to monitor their movements for more than a month, with the express purpose of procuring 
resources under the guise of having received information on the whereabouts of these escaped fugitives and the urgent need to procure immediate resources from the SAPS Secret Fund, so that they can fit in with the normal population, where the fugitives are purportedly hiding, in order to arrest 

Important facts and aspects, related to the Boeremag investigation

62. The State orchestrated explosives-training of the Boeremag accused.

(All the preparations was planned by Hankel, Pretorius and Miranda Loots)

62.1 Col. Pretorius informed me, that he had obtained the specially prepared explosives from the

Explosives factory (as he termed it) outside Klerksdorp.

62.2 JC Smit was trained in the use of explosives within the parameters of my homestead in Pretoria, by Pretorius and an unknown person, also as how to use it, in order to blow-up specific targets. I’m ignorant in the use and knowledge of explosives and could therefore not wade in on the conversation, but was merely a spectator.

JC Smit was taught how to compose the different explosive components, in order to prepare the final explosive product. According to him, these explosive components were at a later stage, given personally to him by Louis Pretorius with the instruction, that he was to specifically target people (like 
Herman van Rooyen, who was eventually arrested near Waverley, Pretoria and subsequently became an accused in the Boeremag Trail) and train him in the use of explosives and how they were to employed to blow-up whatever the target was.

At the supra training session, I openly objected to Louis Pretorius on his course of action and what was being done and also questioned the wisdom thereof, by stating, that what was being done, was highly illegal. He however assured me, that the explosive components, which he had provided to JC Smit, weren’t strong or dangerous enough, to cause any significant damage.

62.3 At a later stage, on another day, JC Smit arrived and mentioned, that he had the explosive components in his vehicle and that he was instructed to take them to Warmbaths. He was however, afraid that he would be caught with them in his vehicle and that this would land him in trouble. We were aware, that he did not enjoy immunity from prosecution – which Pretorius telephonically acknowledged toward me – when I contacted him in this regard. Pretoius however, informed me to tell the Informant, that he was to go ahead and transport the explosives to Warmbaths on an urgent basis, so that the explosives could be used as soon as possible – actually insinuating, that evidence against the Boeremag should be urgently orchestrated, so that even public opinion would be turned against the Boeremag and all Right-wing vigilante-activism.

I even so far as to confront my Spouse about these supra MDi initiatives. She confidently indicated, that both she and Hankel had everything under control and were fully briefed on the matter, at that moment. This incident made me realise, once again, that there was unfair, illegal and forced provocation being effected upon the Boeremag members and that I wanted out of it, for that very reason.

62.4 Pretorius then instructed us to proceed with the explosives – in my vehicle – to Warmbaths with JC Smit in tow and hand over the explosives to him, once we had reached Warmbaths, which also took place. He departed from there – I am not sure whereto and I didn’t question him on this issue 
because what was transpiring was unethical and totally wrong.

I however, waited for Smit to return, in order for him to return the surplus explosive components into my custody, before we returned to my home in Pretoria. On my return, we discussed at length the issue and that we were just as guilty as the persons, that he was busy training and that he should 
seriously consider withdrawing from the Operation.

My further involvement in the matter and all the information at my disposal

63.  Throughout this period of time, I repeatedly and openly informed my Spouse, Col. Pretorius and Genl. Hankel, that they were inciting crime and that innocent people were becoming involved and that this was all aimed at self-serving (their own pockets). Both my Spouse and Hankel laughed it off, while Pretorius became highly irritated at my regular intrusions, in this regard. He subsequently constantly reminded JC Smit to break totally with me because I did not want to play along with their schemes.

Within time, Smit stopped visiting me regularly as he had in the past, but he would still keep me in the loop throughout, when he every now and then, came to seek advice on matters.

64.  I was however, still kept abreast of progress in the matter, by both my Spouse and Hankel. To illustrate:

64.1 My Spouse on a regular basis discussed the MDi operations, while Hankel on one occasion also discussed privileged information with me. I then realised, that they had tunnel-vision and therefore they refused my advice, namely, that they extricate themselves from the saga. They were obsessive to ‘frame’ as many right-wing activists as possible, within a short period of time, in order to arrest them, but conceded that they were afraid of making mistakes and openly discussed their concerns with me in this regard, ostensibly to obtain ideas and insight.

In retrospect, it should be remembered, that I trained my Spouse in SAPS and provided her with guidance and therefore she regarded me, as her Mentor.

64.2 They conducted various such discussions with me, especially via telephone, whereas my Spouse conducted these discussions mostly after-hours.

64.3 I consequently, repeatedly advised my Spouse to opt out of these orchestrated operations against the Boeremag because in my opinion, these matters would in future, implode in their faces.

My Spouse and I have been separated, since 2008 and are busy with a protracted Divorce wrangle. In spite of this fact, she regularly still conducted similar discussions with me, up and until 2010 and informed of the following incidents, viz. Hankel (with my former Spouse’s assistance) arranged the following payments, with regard to the two escaped fugitives of the Boeremag

65.  My Spouse kept me fully briefed on the supra issues, while I assisted her. When it was decided to arrest the two fugitives – Rudi Gouws and Herman van Rooyen – it was arranged with an ex-Policeman, who was simultaneously also a Police-Agent, to accompany them to a Townhouse in 
Centurion (Pretoria), which would ostensibly serve them as a ‘safe house’, where they could hide away for an extended period of time. My task (as requested by my Spouse) was to purchase groceries and place them in the Townhouse, in order to make it look credible, when they arrived there with the Police-Agent.

It was arranged at a prior meeting with the SAPS Task Force, that they would arrest them, on the following morning. Everything was pre-planned, long before the actual ‘staged’ arrangements to arrest the duo. The Police-Agent involved in the planning and execution, thereafter received a cash-payment of R450,000 [four hundred-and-fifty thousand Rand (ZAR)], tax free and impossible to trace. It is SAPS policy, that an Agent may not receive additional payment, but it was Hankel, who had authorised the payment and which the Agent received a week later, so that no uneasy questions would be asked or fingers being pointed at someone. My Spouse brought the package containing the cash home and exhibited it to me, prior to it being paid over to the respective Agent.

The Waverley (Pretoria) arrests

66.  With regard, to the arrests made in Waverley (Pretoria), my sibling Sister’s ex-husband (Sergeant ‘Sam’ Theron confided to me, that MDi knew (via information provided by Informant Otto Gerner) the exact whereabouts (the house, that they then occupied and from where they operated and planned their crimes) of the Boeremag suspects, more than a week in advance of their arrests.

According to Theron’s version of the events, which he personally conveyed to me, the suspects were not immediately arrested because it would compromise the Informant Otto Gerner and they furthermore wanted to ensure, that the suspects were trapped with the explosives in their possession,
when they were arrested.

The Statements of the Boeremag Trialists

67.  Prior to the arrests of the Boeremag accused, Col. Pretorius invited to join him and a certain Karen … and Col. ‘Sollie’ … in Hartebeespoort Dam (a small Town approximately 50 kilometres to the west of Pretoria) to draw up the State Witnesses’s Statements, so that they would not contradict one another.

I point blankly refused to co-operate. JC Smit further informed me, that none of the State Witnesses ever formulated their own testimonies, but that their Statements were mostly drawn up by Col. Louis Pretorius and adapted from time to time, in order to collaborate and coincide with the other State Witness Statements.

According to what JC Smit informed me, only once all the State Witness Statements agreed with one another in all material aspects – done with the oversight involvement of Luit. Col. Vreugdenburg – and followed one another chronologically, were these said Statements given to the State Witnesses to sign.

They were also informed, that they had to memorise their Statements like parrots. These were therefore not Statements of the witnesses, but merely the fabrications of MDi-members (especially involved in these fabrications were Pretoius and Vreugdenburg) colluding, to ensure the convictions of the Boeremag men.

68.  In either the year 2001 (possibly 2002, I cannot recall the precise dates), Col. Pretorius instructed both myself and JC Smit to write out and place Investigation-statements in the SAPS dossier, with regard to the Boeremag matter. I –and I believe JC Smit also – knew, that this was highly irregular and unethical to make false Statements because we would consequently have to stand by our Statements and honour our Words, once the Court proceedings occurred. This is one of the reasons, that I mention at a later stage in this Statement of mine, as to why both JC Smit and I refused to write out the Statements, as instructed and why I wanted to be relieved from any further involvement with the Boeremag Investigation.

69.  Mainly as a result of the supra reason/s, both myself and JC Smit initially objected to making Statements to this effect or to being witnesses in the matter and consequently withdrew our further support from the Investigation.

70.  However, Col. Pretorius coerced JC Smit to write out a sworn Statement, regarding his role in the Boeremag Investigation and remain a State Witness, otherwise Pretorius warned him, that he would be forthwith arrested and charged with the other men.

71.  I too, was coerced by Pretorius into doing, what he had succeded in getting JC Smit to do, but I bluntly refused and stood my ground, unwilling to sear my conscience (for temporary gain).

72.  Both I and JC Smit continually informed Col. Pretorius of our objections, but he threatened us and we eventually both felt, that we had to seek outside legal advice, in orde to protect our interests.

73.  I happened to know an Attorney, Piet Breedt – a former colleague and we set off to pay him a visit. We asked Tom van Rensburg, to arrange the consultation on our behalf. We consequently attended the consultation with Piet Breedt at his offices in Bosman Street, Pretoria.

74.  We shared our concerns, regarding our reasons for refusing to write out Statements and other issues.

His immediate reaction was that it was a serious matter and that, we should involve Senior Counsel in the matter. He thereafter contacted Advocate Johan Gaum – also an ex-colleague, who would further advise us. We thereafter met Gaum together with Piet Breedt at his official premises.

75.  Both JC Smit and I informed Advocate Gaum and Piet Breedt in detail, as to the conspiracy within the MDi, regarding the orchestrated Boeremag case and that being our reason for refusing to draw up a false declaration and or sign any affidavit in this regard.

76.  Adv. Gaum heard us out and asked probing questions. He then indicated, that I was in a better position, than JC Smit because JC Smit was involved in the incitement to commit a crime and his contribution was therefore a more serious matter, to contend with from a legal perspective, especially with regards to applying for immunity from prosecution. Adv. Gaum was however, prepared to assist JC Smit in his case, as well as represent me, should the State force me to write a false Statement or attempt to force me in the witness stand.

77.  Adv. Gaum then instructed Breedt to prepare the necessary documents, with regard to JC Smit application because it would be extremely difficult at this point in time, to be able to prevent him from being a State Witness in the Boeremag trial.

78.   Both Adv. Gaum and Piet Breedt were briefed in detail and Gaum advised to continually refuse to commit Perjury and exercise our right to remain silent.

79.  The cost of our first consultation was R4,000 (four thousand Rand), which JC Smit kindly paid on our behalf.

80.  Post the first consultation, JC Smit and I discussed the astronomical legal cost factor for the future and decided against any further consultations because we both would not be able to afford legal representation at the current cost.

81.  According to JC Smit’s regular discussions with me, he intimated, that Col. Pretorius was placing him under undue stress by intimidating him and simultaneously mentioning the monetary benefits, that would accrue to him, should he write a Statement and be prepared to stand his man in the witness box and defend his Statement there. He consequently concurred to write the false Statement and assured Pretorius, that he was prepared to take the Stand.

82.  According to JC Smit, Col. Pretorius wrote out his Statement in Hartebeepoort Dam, exactly as he – Col. Pretorius – had wanted the Statement to be, so that it collaborated the other Statements and all JC Smit had to do, was to sign the said Statement, without having any say in what was contained therein. He also mentioned, that he was not permitted to alter anything in the Statement.

83.  I steadfastly refused to co-operate or to sign any affidavit – to the continued distress and aggravation of Col. Pretorius.

84.  Quite a while after my consultation with Adv. Gaum, Hankel initially and thereafter my Spouse kept informing (and haggling) me, that the State Advocate – Paul Fick SC (SC is the acronym for: Senior Counsel) needed to speak to me, concerning my role and involvement in the run-up tot the Boeremag Trial.

85.  Although I initially deflected their advances in this regard, they continued to harass me, to the extent, that I later unwillingly relented and went to speak to him in his Chamber. I primarily consented to see Fick because I wanted to inform him of the true version of events, as well as to my reasons, why I  refused to sign a false affidavit.

86.  My Spouse accompanied me to the Palace of Justice, where Tollie Vreugdenburg met me at the  entrance in Vermeulen Street (Pretoria) and then proceeded to accompany me to Adv. Fick’s office.

87.  There I was introduced to Fick, whom I have never before entertained. Those present were Adv. Pieter Luyt (whom I was acquainted with, due to our mutual interest in running, while representing the Akasia Athletic Club), a lady advocate, unknown to me (I fail to recall her particulars), who was 
apparently part of the team of State Advocates and who would act as Prosecutors in the trial, as well as Col. Vreugdenburg.

88. The whole contingent (with Adv. Fick doing most of the speaking) attempted to coerce me into rescinding my earlier decision, not to become involved in the Boeremag trail and to write a Statement and to take the Stand. Thye emphasized, that it would be to my benefit, should I follow their advice.

However, when they noticed my reticence to commit Perjury, they changed tack and started threatening me to make a Statement. They became vociferous and antagonistic toward me and ended with Fick threatening to have me charged as an accomplice in the Boeremag Trial, if I continued to refuse to co-operate with the State Team.

89. I continued to stand my ground against the verbal assault from the State Team of Advocates and Vruegdenburg, which at times reached a feverish pitch and I repeated for all to hear, that it is unethical and illegal to incite people to commit or to be an accomplice in a crime and especially, when people are orchestrated to commit a crime and thereafter arrested and charged.

90.  I emphasized to the State Advocates, that the Boeremag men were only busy with a defensive plan, in order to aid SAPS, in case of unrest and anarchy, but that the MDi and their Agents were involved with an offensive plan to incite innocent people and thereafter, to have them charged with committing a serious crime even going as far as falsely incriminating (by framing them) those, who would not play fiddle to MDi’s orchestra.

91.  They placed enormous stress on me, to co-operate with them, even when they were aware of the true facts and this lead to a major fallout with the group of State Advocates.

92.  The State Advocate Team, including Col. Vreugdenburg openly ganged up against me, while I was left to dry out on my own, by placing me in a corner, until I acceded to their wishes – which I miraculously 
managed to stave off and so retained my sense of dignity and sanity prevailed. I must admit, that this was one of the most trying times in my life.

93.  They refused to back down, even though I rebutted them continually – forcing them to continue hearing the true facts. I then came to the realization, that Politics was playing a major role in their antagonistic arguments because politics had become the playball of senior Officers, who stood to lose
all, if I declined to proceed with their infatuation with orchestrating innocent people for the sake of feeding their frenzied hunger for material gain. I made this statement to them out of frustration because I was earlier informed by a colleague, that both Director Roos and Col. Louis Pretorius were members of one or other secret organization and that Pretorius was Roos’s senior in this organization, but that in SAPS, he was his Junior, much to his chagrin.

94.  The meeting closed with bad blood to be smelt everywhere. Adv. Fick in conclusion shouted to me, that (a) I would not be welcome in Court, once the Court was in process, except if I was willing to comply with their rules of engagement and that (b) I should not ever entertain the thought of co-operating with the Defence Team because I had taken an oath of secrecy and should I attempt to break this oath, I would be prosecuted.

95.  I summarily withdrew any further co-operation with the State Team, although I bumped into Adv. Luyt at Athletic events, where we both participated, but we never broached the subject again.

96.  Initially, I did not attend the court case because I was anti the method and motives, which MDi had employed in the whole matter. My erstwhile spouse however, kept me abreast of all that was transpiring in the court case, until we separated.

97.  Due to my taking an Oath of Secrecy and the fact, that Adv. Fick threatened to charge me, should I make contact with the Defence Team, I initially refrained from having any contact with them. I resigned myself to the fact, that I would do nothing further, but undertook to one day, write a book about the whole matter, even if it meant, that I would break the Oath of secrecy, so that the Public would know the truth.

What was consoling in the entire matter was, when Adv. Gaum contacted me via Tom van Rensburg to say, that my course of action, that I had taken with Adv. Fick’s Team, was highly appropriate.

98.  Already in 1998, an old colleague and friend of mine, Alphons Theron, had conspired to put to book one day all our combined information, regarding the Boeremag Investigation and -Trial, but we never got that far.

99.  In 2011, I left to go and work in India, where I thought, that I could forget the nagging feeling of my betraying the truth, regarding the Boeremag Trialists and their lonely fight against the forces of evil, inherent in MDi and the State Advocate’s Team. I eventually returned to face the music by availing myself and my knowledge of the matter, to the Defence Team.

100.  Upon my return to South Africa, I attempted to attend the Court Case, in order to determine what progress there was.

101.  At my first appearance in Court, I happened to find myself seated adjacent to Karin Labuscagne of Radio Jacaranda, whom I did not know at that point in time. Prior to the Court proceedings starting, I was approached by Col. Tollie Vreugdenburg, who asked what my interest was in attending the court proceedings and mentioned, that I knew that I was not welcome there. I however, refused to be intimidated by him and mentioned, that he should put it in writing to me, that I may not attend the Hearing or alternatively, that the Presiding Officer should inform me, to leave the Court.

102.  Col. Vreugdenburg then approached Adv.s Fick and Luyt, who requested the Judge to adjourn the Court proceedings for a short while (10 minutes), while they (Adv. Luyt) remonstrated with me, in order to induce me to leave. I kindly informed him, that I was there to keep abreast of proceedings, but Luyt requested, that I leave the Court forthwith.

103.  Later when the Court had adjourned for the day, Karin Labuschagne introduced herself to me and asked me who am I and inquired as to why the State Team wanted me removed from the Court building. I briefly informed her, who I was and my reason for attending the proceedings,before departing for home.

104.  Approximately a week later, just prior to the annual Comrades event in 2011, I met with Karin Labuschagne over a cup of coffee, for an impromptu interview. The interview lasted nearly two hours and I was able to provide her with a synopsis of facts, with regard to my interest in the Boeremag Case, including considering writing a book on the matter. She showed interest in the book and requested whether she could procure the rights to the contemplated manuscript. According to her, she had already done a lot of research on the Case.

105.  We agreed to attend the Courtcase together and once again Col. Vreugdenburg confronted me, wherafter an unknown Police Officer was placed in the seat directly behind me,  for the rest of the Court proceedings.

106.  The Court case however was shortly adjourned thereafter.

107.  Once the Court case was adjourned, I approached some of the Defence Counsel, namely: Advocates Louisa van der Walt and Harry Prinsloo and provide them with my personal particulars.

108.  I informed them, that I could provide them with both relevant and pertinent information, as also that the SAPS MDi Branch could hear everything, that they said to their respective clients because the Courtroom and holding cells were bugged. I invited them to contact me, but they never returned the favour.

109.  With times Karin Labuschagne and I made contact.

110. I was clandestinely informed by people within MDi, that they were monitoring my cellular phone, as well as noting my ‘sms’ (the acronym for: Short Message Service). I laid charges to this effect, whereupon a Col. Werner Smith and Col. Eugene Pitout from MDi paid me a visit. They further
informed me of my Oath of secrecy and that I stood to be charged, should I ignore their warnings.

The phone-tappings, bugging and videoing of the accused, after they had been already been charged

111.  According to my Spouse, they (MDi) attempted on various occasions to procure authority to be able to secretly bug and video the accused in their cells, but the Judge flatly refused the applications on numerous occasions, to the chagrin of the MDi officials.

112.  However, according to my Spouse, Genl. Hankel unilaterally decided to implement and execute the tappings and bugging of the accused’s cells and where they consulted with their legal Representatives.

He apparently recruited the ‘right people’ at Correctional Services (Kenny Bouwer and Zack Modise), who authorised the bugging. Via discreet investigation, I was able to establish, that MDi’s contact person in Correctional Services was Kenny Bouwer, who authorised the illegal installation of bugging equipment in the respective cells and in the holding cells in the Courtroom.

113.  I was also able to discreetly establish, that a certain Andre Storm at ‘C-Max’ Prison (Pretoria), was recruited to assist the MDi to plant devices in and around their cells.

114.  From the beginning of the Court Proceedings, it was an open secret, that everyone at MDi was keen to know, what was transpiring between the Defence Team and their clients, but to MDi’s disgust, they were unable to obtain permission to bug the Hearing and Consultation rooms of the Defence.

115.  According to my Spouse, Genl. Hankel refused to accept the status quo and obtained permission from his seniors in SAPS, to procure technically-advanced monitoring equipment (sound and vison) for bugging and videoing in the USA. Just after the start of the Court Proceedings, he had the sensitive
equipment secretly installed in both the entire Courtroom and Consultation room.

116.  I actually on two different occasions happened to visit the Head-Office of MDi in Prieska Street, Erasmuskloof, where the so-called, CINOC (the acronym for: Crime Intelligence Nodal Operational Centre) or colloquially known as, the ‘War Room’ was situated, courtesy of my Spouse. My first visit
there was in the year 2008, just before a surgical procedure was performed on my foot (prior to the Comrades marathon of that year). The premises were not the same as they are today. The second visit was a while later, when my Spouse (Col. Miranda Loots) wanted to show me their state of the art electronic equipment for the tapping of phones and listening to conversations in conjunction with virtual visuals, which was apparently, the genius of Genl. Hankel.

Unfortunately, I cannot recall the exact dates, but with my initial visit there, the Centre contained a variety of TV monitors. During my second visit, the Centre was more progressively furnished with many more electronic equipment, including TV monitors and much neater, than was previously the

117.  My visits to CINOC occurred mostly over weekends and after-hours, when the minimum personnel were present, so that we would not attract attention and that no uneasy questions would be asked. My Spouse however, confided to me, that Genl. Hankel was aware of my presence there.

118.  In both instances, my Spouse would activate a button on a Computer, whereupon the screen reflected how the Boeremag men would alight from the Njala Vehicle, which transports them to the Court daily; where they then approach the Courtroom and turn left through a doorway, whereupon my Spouse remarked, that that door is the entrance to the holding cells beneath the Courtroom. I could see on another monitor, where these men entered a door and then the Cells metal bars.

119.  The following visuals were, where the accused stood in their cells (confinement), while chatting to one another. It only contained visuals of the Boeremag men and nobody else. She then hurriedly scanned a number of visuals, until she could point out, where the accused were in the Consulting Room, conferring with their Legal Counsel. I could identify various people on the monitor, e.g. Adv. Harry Prinsloo and Louisa van der Walt, who individually consulted with an accused. I however, did not recognise any of the accused. The visuals were of an outstanding quality, including the sound system, where each word spoken, could be distinctly heard between the accused and their Legal Representative.

All that could be seen in the Consulting Room, was a white wall and a corner in the room. On another monitor, I could see the white wall and a part of the Holding Cell. The images were thus being cast from the top of the room, in other words the roof-end. All video-material was recorded and, therefore,
not live or virtual material, at that point in time.

120.  At one stage, my Spouse drew my attention to a monitor and mentioned, that ‘when the accused walked up here to the right’, then they could then access the Court Room from where they were held.

She then indicated to the right-hand side of the monitor. In my opinion, there were no cameras installed, that focussed on the stairway to the Court Room because no where, was I able to see the staircase. Thereafter she showed me footage of the Court Room per se and I could clearly see, where the accused sat and where their Legal Representatives were seated. I was not able to see the Judge’s Bench or the Public Gallery at all, although she confirmed to me, that the entire Court Room was under constant surveillance.

121.  My Spouse reiterated, that wherever the accused were or moved about, they were under constant surveillance by cameras, that were planted clandestinely and included the outside of the Court Room itself. On the one monitor, there was a room, which contained a table with four chairs, According to my Spouse, this place was across from the Court, with a window, which has a view over Vermeulen Street. This respective monitor only showed images and the sound was not good at all on both occasions, that I was present.

I only attended the Court Proceedings from the second last week in May, 2011, when I for the first time entered the Court Room myself and could identify a room immediately across from the Entrance to the Court, that was similar to the room in the visuals.

122.  The other times, that I was able to view these images was in 2008 / 2009, where I was able to at least twice, view some visuals of three scenes on my Spouse’s official Nokia Cellularphone. These were not recordings, but were virtual images being displayed on her cellphone and my Spouse even went so far as to boast about MDi’s advanced technological ability. If she wanted to view different images, she had to exit the present screen and click on another smaller screen on her Phone monitor, which would take a few moments to load, although the screen sometimes froze and then she had to wait for a while, before it would respond again.

123.  My Spouse used to continually boast about MDi’s advanced technology systems, which they operated and would show me images on her Laptop at home, which contained images of the accused and then used to laugh, referring to them as: ‘fucking assholes’ !

The camera’s angles in the different rooms, was the same. My Spouse mentioned, that the purpose hereof was for MDi to be able to monitor every movement of the accused, constantly. MDi were especially interested in what was being conversed about, between the accused and their respective Legal Representatives during consultation because that gave the State an edge over the Defence Team strategy, as they were ons step ahead of the Defence the whole time. MDi were also interested in knowing, what strategy the Defence was planning during cross-examination, pertinently what questions would be posed.

124.  My Spouse routinely boasted about the manner in which Mdi provide the State Advocates with preemptive ‘ammunition’, as a direct consequence of knowing before hand, what the Defence planned.

125. This monitoring of the Defence Counsel and their accused, gave the State an advantage because they could always plan ahead to counter the Defence team’s arguments, by providing the State with counter arguments and counter witnesses, way ahead of schedule. All this information was always directly and immediately relayed to Adv. Paul Fick and his State Team.

126.  My Spouse on different occasions informed her sister, ‘Maxine’ and our daughter in my presence, that the MDi provided the State Prosecution with sound and visual material of their recordings of the accused and their Legal Counsel’s discussions. For some questions, they used the historical evidence 
on recordings, while for other questions, they would proffer excuses to win time. The contacts between MDi and the State Prosecutors were either Tollie Vreugdenburg or Louis Bester (my Spouse sometimes refered to Bester as ‘Vice’, meaning that he was their deputy Leader at MDi). They would in turn be dalled by someone at CINOC with a message for the State Prosecution, with the purpose of preparing themselves for the Defence’s questions. My Spouse pertinently confirmed to me, that MDi would relay the information from their recordings immediately, to the State Prosecutor’ Team, via either
Vreugdenburg or Pretorius.

127.  These ut supra visuals with sound, were exhibited to me at our home in Rietfontein, Pretoria by my Spouse over and above the times, when I visited the Erasmuskloof ‘War Room’ (CINOC). The period of time, when I viewed these visuals were between the years 2008 and 2010, prior to the World Soccer Cup in South Africa. One of these times was, when I was busy enjoying a barbecue at home, while my sister-in-law and daughter were present.

The monitoring of the accused at ‘C-Max’ Prison (Pretoria)

128.  My Spouse informed me, that a senior Officer was contacted at Correctional Services with a counterfeit warrant issued by Hankel and herself, to install bugging and electronic monitoring devices and that,
they keep these persons ‘happy’ in exchange for their co-operation in the monitoring of the accused in the Prison. Which by implication meant, that these persons were bribed so as to not, rock the boat.

129.  My Spouse further confirmed to me, that at the ‘C-Max’ Prison’s entrance or just above the entrance, there was a Consulting Room, that was used by the accused and their Legal Representatives for consultation and adjacent to it, the MDi had a room full of electronic equipment for the televised bugging of discussions. These measures were already in place by early 2003 /2004 because my Spouse, Hankel and ‘Sam’ Theron had then boasted to me, about their monitoring Project at ‘C-Max’ Prison.

130.  My Spouse has long been boasting about the fact, that MDi knew of everything transpiring within the confinement of the accused’s respective cells. The MDi staff often laughed at some private moments, when the accused would get dressed and so forth.

131.  She also often pronounced, that MDi did not have authorization to monitor, what they were busy monitoring, but that it was done clandestinely and nobody would ever be the wiser.

Regarding the bugging of the accused and their families

132.  According to my Spouse, everyone involved with the Boeremag Case – including the accused, their families, friends and Legal Representatives – were ALL bugged, which includes: their land telephone lines, cellular phones, sms and e-mail facilities, as well as their movements. Some of the bugging is
authorised, while some of it is not authorised at all.

133.  For example, a lady by the name of Nelmari, the accused’s Herman van Rooyen’s ex-wife was on holiday at La Cote d’Azur, Margate (South Coast, Natal), when she was followed by MDi-members and where members of CTC (the acronym for: Counter Terrorism Centre), also a division of Mdi were
convened. I was with my Spouse in Margate, during the October (School) holidays, when I exchanged some pleasantries with her on the beachfront. Both my Spouse and ‘Sam’ Theron reprimanded me and I was informed, that Director Roos was not impressed by my actions.

134.  Most of the tapping, that still occurs, is still performed on an illegal basis, according to my Spouse.



Signed and attested to in Pretoria on this day of January, 2013 by the Deponent, who declares that:

? He understands the gravity of this Statement and that all facts contained herein are true and correct

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One such case was that of Andre Visage and we quote The Star:



” Senior crime intelligence officials planted paid informers to make fake right-wing related threats against the government – a part of a wider strategy to loot the unit’s Secret Service Account for personal benefit.  Spy bosses worked their way into the R600 million-a-year slush fund by actively fabricating information to create a false impression of imminent, unprecedented attacks against black people and the ANC in particular, said law enforcement agency sources.  The Star Africa revealed that in the run up to the ANC’s centenary celebrations in the Free State in January, spy masters in the North West used one of their informers to threaten chaos and violence against the ruling party unless it stemmed farm attacks.  Claiming to have detected a threat, they requested and got additional money, believed to be millions, from the slush fund on the pretext they wanted t o remunerate “sources” who tipped them off.

A masked man had made his chilling threats in a recorded video last year alongside right-winger Andre Visagie, a former secretary general of the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB) who broke away from the organisation and formed his the Geloftevolk Republikeine (GVR).  The video was posted on video-sharing website YouTube, sparking fear and costly investigations by various law-enforcement agencies. Three security cluster sources said the threats were behind the police’s decision to permanently deploy a Nyala outside the ANC’s Luthuli House headquarters in the Joburg CBD. A confidential document penned by one of the investigators, a copy of which is in The Star Africa’s possession, painted a picture of a staged affair meant to justify the looting of the fund by intelligence operatives.

The five-page document outlined the methods used and gave the names of those involved – informers and their police handlers – as well as their backgrounds. A senior national police official said he was “aware” of the scam, adding that some of those implicated had since offered evidence in exchange for immunity from prosecution. He confirmed that spy bosses cited source remuneration as one of the reasons for requesting more resources. “You can say, there is a group I want to impress; I need a Gucci bag and you will get it. At times, there is never a follow-up on whether there was any infiltration.”

The Star Africa understands that the money was shared among those who masterminded the scam. North West police spokesman Brigadier Thulani Ngubane said that they were “not aware” (power of flat denial) of any abuse of the slush fund by provincial officers. He said the provincial commissioner would investigate and charge those implicated because he viewed the allegations “seriously”. While the looting of the fund intensified under suspended Crime Intelligence boss Richard Mdluli, The Star Africa understands his predecessors also abused it for decades. Mdluli has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing. The document said investigators found that a former police reservist-turned-crime intelligence informer had made the threats. The man’s handlers were named as Hendrick Swart and Colonel Pretorius. (This criminal’s name pops up again) The duo refused to comment. North We st crime intelligence boss Nick Engelbrecht referred all enquiries to Ngubane, who refused to comment on allegations that the threats had been staged with Swart and Pretorius’s blessings. Visagie said he would comment after viewing the YouTube video. Lindela Mashigo, SAPS’ national spokesman, did not respond to a list of questions.”

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( Take note that Visagie WAS innocently jailed for 10 years by the ANC communist regime on trumped-up charges and planted “evidence” after this report was released.) 



Some of the crucial questions are  as to why is there an absolute silence from the international world, the media- and white Afrikaners about this unjust rape of justice? Why is there no objection to the treatment and entrapment by the evil white policemen – the unjust sentence by an liberal judge- and the meddling from the communist dungeons? Why was  Captain Johannes Vice and Lotter never investigated for this brutal treatment of white prisoners? Why did these white liberation members spent 11 YEARS in jail on awaiting trial? Why was ANC criminals such as Robert McBride– who killed THREE innocent Americans in his dastardly Magoo’s Bar bomb attack not treated the same way? Why was Jacob Zuma, Mbeki et al never brought to trial for the Church Street bomb? Why did the liberal judge Jansen not take in consideration the fact that Loots SPECIFICALLY indicated that the freedom fighters were framed by despicable WHITE police rats- and declared a mistrial?Instead he immediately refused the right to  appeal from   Lets, Tom and Mike…why?  After all the questionable “witnesses” one should think leave to appeal would be automatically. He reckoned that when the accused are faced with a long jail sentence they will try to flee the country. Was he also on the communist choke-chain? What is quite clear is that specifically Albert Boshoff had a big action  against these people.



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The Forgotten Boer prisoners

Since the white liberation members were sent to prison the rest of the so-called white “Afrikaners” have forgotten them. They have become prisoners of “conscience.” There is no voice to put pressure on the communist oppressors to free these people. Inside the walls of the prison they are left to rot.

Help to free the Boer prisoners of conscience. Before 1994, when South Africa tumbled into political turmoil, many of the Boer people fought for their freedom. They fought and strived for freedom of the Boers. To have a piece of land they can call home, fought for by their forefathers, gained through suffering, sweat and blood. But the war was lost and South Africa went into a multi ethnic democracy, or so it is claimed to be. The facts are: Although the international media pictures South Africa as a “rainbow country of peace, love and prosperity, “-the truth is far from it. The Boer people suffer daily discrimination against them purely on account of their race and ethnicity.

One of these discrimination’s that the Boer people suffer is in the suffering and injustice towards their political prisoners. Peter Benenson wrote an article in 1961 about political prisoners, he called “Prisoners of conscience.”  He described them as: “Any person who is physically restrained (by imprisonment or otherwise) from expressing (in any form of words or symbols) any opinion which he honestly holds and which does not advocate or condone personal violence. We also exclude those people who have conspired with a foreign government to overthrow their own.”

The injustice towards the Boer prisoners of conscience is even worse. They are not being kept in prison because of their deeds, but because of their race, believes and who they are. Their deeds are just the excuse for keeping them there. Approximately 50 Boer political prisoners are currently being held captive in South African prisons under inhumane circumstances. The Boeremag trial is still ongoing since 2002. Ten of the accused in the Boeremag trial are repeatedlyrefused bail, still in incarceration, and still being detained for more than 10 years. The world praises countries who gives amnesty, and yet turns a blind eye for injustice! Therefore we ask for your support in ending this injustice. Spread the word and let the international community open its eyes to this injustice and start acting on it.

It is time to set the Boer Prisoners of conscience free.

See also: Supremacist ANC threatens Malema again with Boeremag style oppression and suppression of political freedom.


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